编辑推荐

　　牛津大学出版百年旗舰产品，英文版本原汁原味呈现，资深编辑专为阅读进阶定制，文学评论名家妙趣横生解读。

内容简介

　　亚当·斯密是十八世纪中期英国负盛名的政治经济学家和伦理学家，他一生研究的学问涉及天文学、纯文学、修辞学、哲学、伦理学、政治学、法学和政治经济学等。《国富论》奠定了他作为英国古典政治经济学奠基人的崇高地位和名望。

作者简介

　　亚当·斯密（1723—1790），被誉为“现代经济学之父”。1723年出生在苏格兰的柯科迪，青年时就读于牛津大学，1751年至1764年在格斯哥大学担任哲学教授。在此期间，斯密发表了他的*一部著作《道德情操论》，确立了他在知识界的威望。但是，他的不朽名声则得自于1776年出版的伟大著作《国民财富的性质和原因的研究》（简称《国富论》）。这部著作使其在余生中享受着无尽的荣誉和爱戴，并延续至今。

精彩书评

　　　　回到经济学的基本问题，让我们重读亚当·斯密，不要再相信凯恩斯主义的那些政策。　　——张维迎

　　虽然斯密也劝说放任自由，但他的论证却更多地是反对政府干预和反对垄断；虽然他赞扬贪欲的结果，却又几乎总是鄙视商人的行为和策略。他也不认为商业制度本身是完*值得赞美的。　　——谢宗林

　　这《牛津英文经典：国富论（英文版）》需要人们聚精会神地去读才能读进去，而目前很少有人能坐下来专心读书，因而《牛津英文经典：国富论（英文版）》*初也许不会受到非常热烈的欢迎。　　——大卫·休谟

目录

Introduction
NoteontheText
SelectBibliography
AChronologyofAdamSmithandHisTime
THEWEALTHOFNATIONS
ExplanatorynotesandCommentary
Index

精彩书摘

　　Theannuallabourofeverynationisthefundwhichoriginallysuppliesitwithallthenecessariesandconveniencesoflifewhichitannuallyconsumes,andwhichconsistsalways,eitherintheimmediateproduceofthatlabour,orinwhatispurchasedwiththatproducefromothernations.　　Accordingtherefore,asthisproduce,orwhatispurchasedwithit,bearsagreaterorsmallerproportiontothenumberofthosewhoaretoconsumeit,thenationwillbebetterorworsesuppliedwithallthenecessariesandconveniencesforwhichithasoccasion.　　Butthisproportionmustineverynationberegulatedbytwodifferentcircumstances;first,bytheskill,dexterity,andjudgmentwithwhichitslabourisgenerallyapplied;and,secondly,bytheproportionbetweenthenumberofthosewhoareemployedinusefullabour,andthatofthosewhoarenotsoemployed.Whateverbesoil,climate,orextentofterritoryofanyparticularnation,theabundanceorscantinessofitsannualsupplymust,inthatparticularsituation,dependuponthosetwocircumstances.　　Theabundanceorscantinessofthissupplytooseemstodependmoreupontheformerofthosetwocircumstancesthanuponthelatter.Amongthesavagenationsofhuntersandfishers,*everyindividualwhoisabletowork,ismoreorlessemployedinusefullabour,andendeavourstoprovide,aswellashecan,thenecessariesandconvenienciesoflife,forhimself,orsuchofhisfamilyortribeasareeithertooold,ortooyoung,ortooinfirmtogoahuntingandfishing,Suchnations,however,aresomiserablypoor,that,frommerewant,theyarefrequentlyreduced,or,atleast,thinkthemselvesreduced,tothenecessitysometimesofdirectlydestroying,andsometimesofabandoningtheirinfants,theiroldpeople,andthoseafflictedwithlingeringdiseases,toperishwithhunger,ortobedevouredbywildbeats.Amongcivilizedandthrivingnations,onthecontrary,thoughagreatnumberofpeopledonotlabouratall,manyofwhomconsumetheproduceoftentimes,frequentlyofahundredtimesmorelabourthanthegreaterpartofthosewhowork;yettheproduceofthewholelabourofthesocietyissogreat,thatallareoftenabundantlysupplied,andaworkman,evenofthelowestandpoorestorder,ifheisfrugalandindustriousmayenjoyagreatershareofthenecessariesandconveniencesoflifethanitispossibleforanysavagetoacquire.　　Thecausesofthisimprovement,intheproductivepowersoflabour,andtheorder,accordingtowhichitsproduceisnaturallydistributedamongthedifferentranksandconditionsofmeninthesociety,makethesubjectoftheFirstBookofthisInquiry.　　Whateverbetheactualstateoftheskill,dexterity,andjudgmentwithwhichlabourisappliedinanynation,theabundanceorscantinessofitsannualsupplymustdepend,duringthecontinuanceofthatstate,upontheproportionbetweenthenumberofthosewhoareannuallyemployed.Thenumberofusefulandproductivelabourers,itwillhereafterappear,iseverywhereinproportiontothequantityofcapitalstockwhichisemployedinsettingthemtowork,andtotheparticularwayinwhichitissoemployed.TheSecondBook,therefore,treatsofthenatureofcapitalstock,ofthemannerinwhichitisgraduallyaccumulated,andofthedifferentquantitiesoflabourwhichitputsintomotion,accordingtothedifferentwaysinwhichitisemployed.　　Nationstolerablywelladvancedastoskill,dexterity,andjudgment,intheapplicationoflabour,havefollowedverydifferentplansinthegeneralconductordirectionofit;andthoseplanshavenotallbeenequallyfavourabletothegreatnessofitsproduce.Thepolicyofsomenationshasgivenextraordinaryencouragementtoindustryofcountry;thatofotherstotheindustryoftowns.Scarceanynationhasdealtequallyandimpartiallywitheverysortofindustry.SincethedownfalloftheRomanempire,thepolicyoEuropehasbeenmorefavourabletoarts,manufactures,andcommerce,theindustryoftowns;thantoagriculture,theindustryofthecountry.ThecircumstanceswhichseemtohaveintroducedandestablishedthispolicyareexplainedintheThirdBook.　　Thoughthosedifferentplanswere,perhaps,firstintroducedbytheprivateinterestsandprejudicesofparticularordersofmen,withoutanyregardto,orforesightof,theirconsequencesuponthegeneralwelfareofthesociety;yettheyhavegivenoccasiontoverydifferenttheoriesopoliticaloeconomy;*ofwhichsomemagnifytheimportanceofthatindustrywhichiscarriedonintowns,othersofthatwhichiscarriedoninthecountry,Thosetheorieshavehadaconsiderableinfluence,notonlyupontheopinionsofmenoflearning,butuponthepublicconductofprincesandsovereignstates.Ihaveendeavoured,intheFourthBook,toexplain,asfullyanddistinctlyasIcan,thosedifferent,andtheprincipaleffectswhichtheyhaveproducedindifferentagesandnations.　　Toexplaininwhathasconsistedtherevenueofthegreatbodyofthepeople,orwhathasbeenthenatureofthosefundswhich,indifferentagesandnations,havesuppliedtheirannualconsumption,istheobjectoftheseFourfirstBooks.TheFifthandlastBooktreatsoftherevenueofthesovereign,orcommonwealth.InthisBookIhaveendeavourestoshow;first,whatarethenecessaryexpencesofthesovereign,orcommonwealth;whichofthoseexpencesoughttobedefrayedbythegeneralcontributionofthewholesociety;andwhichofthem,bythatofsomeparticularpartonly,orofsomeparticularmembersofit;secondly,whatarethedifferentmethodsinwhichthewholesociety,andwhataretheprincipaladvantagesandinconvenienciesofeachofthosemethods:and,thirdlyandlastly,whatarethereasonsandcauseswhichhaveinducedalmostallmoderngovernmentstomortgagesomepartofthisrevenue,ortocontractdebts,andwhathavebeentheeffectsofthosedebtsupontherealwealth,theannualproduceofthelandandlabourofthesociety.　　BOOKI　　OftheCausesofImprovementinthe　　productivePowersofLabour,andoftheOrder　　accordingtowhichitsProduceisnaturally　　distributedamongthedifferentRanksofthe　　People　　CHAPTERI　　PftheDivisionofLabour　　THEgreatestimprovementintheproductivepowersoflabour,andthegreaterpartoftheskill,dexterity,andjudgmentwithwhichitisanywheredirected,orapplied,seemtohavebeentheeffectsofthedivisionoflabour.*　　Theeffectsofthedivisionoflabour,inthegeneralbusinessofsociety,willbemoreeasilyunderstood,byconsideringinwhatmanneritoperatesinsomeparticularmanufactures.Itiscommonlysupposedtobecarriedfurthestinsomeverytriflingones;notperhapsthatitreallyiscarriedfurtherinthemthaninothersofmoreimportance:butinthosetriflingmanufactureswhicharedestinedtosupplythesmallwantsofbutasmallnumberofpeople,thewholenumberofworkmenmustnecessarilybesmall;andthoseemployedineverydifferentbranchoftheworkcanoftenbecollectedintothesameworkhouse,andplacedatonceundertheviewofthespectator.Inthosegreatmanufactures,onthecontrary,whicharedestinedtosupplythegreatwantsofthegreatbodyofthepeople,everydifferentbranchoftheworkemployssogreatanumberofworkmen,thatitisimpossibletocollectthemallintothesameworkhouse.Wecanseldomseemore,atonetime,thanthoseemployedinonesinglebrance.　　……

前言/序言

　　WhoownstheWealthofNations?SincetheearlynineteenthcenturySmithhasbeenthepatronsaintofhomoeconomicus.Victorianliberaleconomistsinvokedhisworktojustifythepursuitofindividualself-interestinafreemarket.Thepoliticalandeconomictrendsofthemorerecentpast—thedrivetoprivatization,theconcentrationontheprofitmotiveasthekeytomarketeffectivenessandeconomicco-ordination—inThatcheriteBritainandReaganiteNorthAmerica（butalsoinStPetersburgandMoscow）,claimdescentfromSmith.HisnameistakenbytheAdamSmithInstitute,aright-wingthink-tankwhoseaimistodevisepolicybasedonmarketprincipals;buthisinterpretersanddescendantsincludeKarlMarx.FornotonlydidSmithviewmerchantsandmanufacturerswithdeepsuspicion,butheconsideredthesighofaproperlyfunctioningmarketsystemtobethemaximizationofmaterialbenefitstosociety’slowestmembers.Thecomprehensivenessofhisvisionofaself–regulatingmarketappearstoconfirmhimasthefoundingfatherofeconomicconservatism;butagainsthiscelebrationofcapitalismasthesurestmeansofwealthaccumulationshouldbesetapessimismatthedehumanizingpotentialofindustrialsocietywhichappearsappearstoanticipateMarx’salienationtheory.NorshouldwetooreadilyconflateSmith’ssocio-economicprescriptionswithconditionsinthelatetwentiethcentury.Hisexperienceasaneighteenth-centurycitizenwasofpre-industrial,small-scaletechnology,multinationalinterestsofmoderninstitutionsthedangerousconsumptionofnon-renewablenaturalresources,ortheproblemsofpost-industrialunemployment.Immediatelyrelevantintheideologicalclimateofthelatetwentiethcentury,theWealthofNationsisfirmlyembeddedinacomplexofassumptionssurroundingthebirthofaconsumersocietyintheeighteenthcentury.　　I　　Thereisnothingwhichrequiresmoretobeillustratedbuyphilosophythantradedoes...Amerchantseldomthinksbutofhisownparticulartrade.Towriteagoodbookuponit,amanusthaveextensiveviews.　　（SamuelJohnson）　　IfthesignificanceofAdamSmith’sInquiryintotheNatureandCausesoftheWealthofNationshasbeentoonarrowlyrestrictedtonomorethanthebeginningsoftechnicaleconomics,thisisin　　Somemeasuretheconsequenceofhisownfamousexpositionofthedivisionoflabour.Asapleaforspecialization,itisatheorywhichappearstojustifymoderninterpretersineditingoutofconsiderationSmith’scomplicatingdeliberationsonthenatureoflaw,government,andsocialandindividualmoralityastheyaffecttheoperationsofamarketeconomy.Inthe1970PenguineditionoftheWealthofNations,forexample,Books1and2formthesubstanceofawork‘solelyconcernedwithSmith’scontributiontotheprinciplesofeconomics’,andBooks3isincludedsimply‘inordertomakethemaximumuseoftheavailablespace’.Injustification,theeditor,AndrewSkinner,anticipateshisreaders’responsebyarguingthat‘[i]twouldprobablybeagreedthatthefirsttwobookscontainthecentralpartofSmith’sworkasatheoreticaleconomist,andtherealbasisofaprofoundlyinfluentialsystemofthought’.Withlesstacticalskill.ThesameargumentisemployedtoexplainthecompleteabsenceofBook5fromtherecentEverymanreprintof1991:Book5,thereaderisassured,addsnothingnew.D.D.RaphaelconcludeshisIntroductionbyobservingthat:‘BooksI-IVdo,however,containthewholeofwhatSmithhadtosayincarryingouthisaim,“AnInquiryintotheNatureandCausesoftheWealthofNations”.’　　Whatbothoftheseeditionsfailtoacknowledgeistheimportanceofthatmanof‘extensiveviews’whomDrJohnsondescribedinexplainingSmith’squalificationsforwritingoneconomics.Itistheoriginalembeddingoftheeconomicargumentwithinawidercultural,intellectual,andhistoricalenquirywhichthepresentselectededitionattemptstoreinstateagainstthemoretraditionalviewoftheWealthofNationsasthe‘classic’economicstextbook.Byincludinglargesectionsfromallfivebooks,thediscursivecontextofSmith’smodelbecomesapparent.Anenquiryinfivebooks,theWealthofNationssiteseconomicactivitywithintheframeworkofawide-rangingdiscussionofsocialinstitutionsandhumanpropensities.Theeffectofitsextendeddescriptionistocomplicateandproblematizeeconomicanalysisbydrivingtheeconomicimpulsedeeperintotherecessesofhumanpersonalityasthenaturebasisofourpsychologicalandsocialexistence.　　Book1isconcernedtooutlinethatdivisionoflabourwhichconstitutesthewealthofnations,andtoestablishanewdivisionofsocietyintolandlords,wage-earners,andcapitalists,whointheirvariouscombinationsactivateandkeepinmotionthemechanismoftheeconomicprocess.AsSmithsummarizeshisargumentsofarinthe‘ConclusiontoChapter11:　　Thewholeannualproduceofthelandandlabourofeverycountry,orwhatcomestothesamething,thewholepriceofthatannualproduce,naturallydividesitself...intothreeparts;therentofland,thewagesoflabour,andtheprofitsofstock;andconstitutesarevenuetothreedifferentordersofpeople;tothosewholivebyrent,tothosewholivebywages,andtothosewholivebyprofit.Thesearethreegreat,originalandconstituentordersofeverycivilizedsociety,fromwhoserevenuethatofeveryotherorderisultimatelyderived.（p.155）　　Book2isconcernedwithaccumulation,Iitseconomicandpsychologicalaspects—withproductiveandunproductivelabour,thevirtuesofparsimony,andthehumanurgetobetterourcondition（thatis,toamassgreaterandgreaterwealth）.　　Takentogether,Books1and2do,indeed,formaneconomictreatise—Smith’sdemonstrationofwhatconstitutesthewealthofnations,andinparticularthewealthofthemoderncommercialnation.ButwithoutBook3theirargumentwouldlackthesignificanthistoricaldimensionwhicheventuallyrevealshowitisthatthehumblestbeneficiaryofthedivisionoflabour,the‘industriousandfrugalpeasant’oftheopeningchapter,excelsinhismaterialcomfortstheAfricanking,‘theabsolutemasterofthelivesandlibertiesoftenthousandnakedsavages’（p.20）.　　ForBook3isdedicatedtohistoricalexplanation,tothehistoricalandgeographicrelationoftowntocountry,andinparticulartotheemergenceoftheur-capitalistprotagonistfromthemedievalcontestfordominancebetweenthetownguildsandthefeudallandowners.Smith’ssubject,broadlyhistoricizedhere,istherelationbetweenthoselegislativeandadministrativeinstitutionswhichconstituteandprotecthumansociety,andthatindividuallibertyfromregulationwhichisthemotorofeconomicdevelopment.Issocietyacommunityofprivateinterestsorpublicregulation?　　Book4rangeswidelywhilepurportingtobeacritiqueoftwosystemsofpoliticaleconomy—Mercantilism,thestillfeudallymindedphilosophyofwealththroughtrade,dominatedeconomicthoughtandpracticebetweenthemid-sixteenthandlateseventeenthcenturies.Itrecognizedtheneedtosafeguardapotentnationaleconomythroughhighimporttariffsandstateintervention.‘Physiocracy’isthelabelattachedtothedoctrinesofagroupofeighteenth-centuryFrencheconomists,ledbyFran?oisQuesnay,whoargued,incontrast,thatmercantilestockis‘sterile’,andthatagricultureistheonlysourceofwealthbecauseitaloneproducesasurplus,othermanufacturesmerelyreproducingwhattheyconsume.MostofBook4isconcernedtoexposetheflawsintheMercantilistsystem,underwhoseintricatecontrols,itisclaimed,theBritishandotherEuropeaneconomieshavebeenseverelyhampered.

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